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APRAHAM UNCOLN» HANNIBAL HABILIN. ^ 
JOHN BELL, EDWARD EVERETT. _ 
STEPE A DOUGLAS, HERSCHEt V, JOHNSON, 
JOHN C, BRECKINRIDGE, JOSEPH LANE. 



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JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE, 

OF KENTUCKY. 



A BRIEF MEMOIR OP HIS LIFE. 

John C. Breckinridge is a native of Kentucky, and was 
bora near Lexington, January 16, 1821. He received his 
education at Centre College, enjoyed the benefits of some 
months at Princeton, and after going through the requisite 
law studies at Transylvania Institute, was admitted to the 
bar at Lexington. Hoping to find a fruitful field in which 
to sow his knowledge, he emigrated to the Northwest ; but 
after something less than a couple of years spent in Burling- 
ton, Iowa, he returned to his native State, and took up his 
abode at Lexington, where he still resides. He entered im- 
mediately on the practice of his profession, and met with a 
well-merited success. 

The trump of war, however, excited the military ardor of 
our young Kentuckian, and the result was creditable service 
as a major of infantry during the Mexican war. He also dis- 
tinguished himself as the counsel for Major-General Pillow, 
in the celebrated court-martial of that officer. 

On the return of Major Breckinridge from Mexico, he was 
elected to the Kentucky Legislature, and created so favora- 
ble an impression as a legislator, that he was elected to Con- 
gress from the Ashland District, and being re-elected, held 
his seat from 1851 to 1855. 

His career in Congress was marked by a devoted attention 
to his duties as a legislator. Whenever he spoke, his elo- 
quence drew forth the enthusiastic plaudits of both political 
friends and opponents. 

Introducing (on the 30th of June, 1852) the resolutions 
of respect to the memory of Henry Clay, who had died 
the day previous, Mr. Breckinridge laid the fullness of his 



2 JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE. 

young heart on tlie grave of the great Kentuckian, in whom 
" intellect, person, eloquence, and courage, united to form a 
character fit to command. Standing by that grave, and with 
the memories of the great dead about him, "the mere leger- 
demain of politics" appeared contemptible to him. What a 
reproach was Clay's life on the false policy which would trifle 
with a great and upright people! "If I were to write his 
epitaph," said Breckinridge, " I would inscribe, as the highest 
eulogy, on the stone w^hich shall mark his resting-place, 
' Here lies a man who was in the public service for fifty years 
and never attempted to deceive his countrymen.' " 

In the Thirty-second Congress, Mr. Breckinridge Avas in- 
strumental in securing an appropriation for the completion 
of a cemetery near the city of Mexico, in which the remains 
of the American officers and soldiers who fell in battle, or 
other\Adse, in or near the city of Mexico, should be interred. 
He also favored an appropriation for a weekly mail with the 
Pacific, and advocated putting these contracts to the lowest 
bidder. 

Though Mr. Breckinridge did not seek to be constantly be- 
fore the House, he took a very distinguished position, and 
sometimes, in debate, was sharp and effective. 

Hon. Mr. Giddings, in the course of a speech (16th March, 
1852) on the Compromise Measures and Fugitive- Slave Law, 
denied that the Federal Government had power to j^ass 
laws by which " to compel our officers and people to seize 
and carry back fugitive slaves." Mr. Breckinridge briefly 
pushed "him into an enunciation of his most extreme doc- 
trines, and then said, " Against the impotent ravings of his 
baflied fanaticism I placed the plain words of the Constitu- 
tion. To his coarse and offensive language I have no reply." 

With the debate on the Nebraska bill, in 1854, Thirty- 
third Congress, Mr. Breckinridge's name is intimately woven. 
It was during this discussion that his difficulty with the Hon. 
Mr. Cutting, of New-York, took place. On the 21st of 
March, Mr. Richardson, desiring to reach the Nebraska bill, 
heretofore reported by him, moved the House to go into com- 
mittee of the whole on the state of the Union. After some 
, slight discussion, this motion was lost. Having proceeded 
with the business on the Speaker's table, several small bills 
were taken up and referred, and the Nebraska Bill reached 
by title. Much feeling was manifested, and all seemed to 
regard this ns a crisis. Mr. Richardson and Mr. Cutting rose 
•together. The former moved to refer to the committee of 
the whole on the Union. The Speaker recognized the mem- 



JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE. 3 

ber from Illinois, and the member from New-York raised a 
point of order. Richardson said his purpose was to amend 
the bill, and that Cutting's course would kill it. Mr. Cut- 
ting persisted in his motion, and supported it by a speech, 
disclaiming any disrespect to Mr. Richardson as Chairman of 
the Committee on Territories, and stating that it was under- 
stood that that committee had already discussed and elabo- 
rated the subject. He was opposed to putting it again 
through the circuitous mode of referring it to them, and 
having it on the Speaker's table as it was to day. The North 
was in a state of civil insurrection since the introduction of 
the bill ; and he thought it was a time, not for parliamentary 
tactics, which give rise to suspicion, but for full, frank, and 
manly discussion. He was in vain appealed to ; he would 
not withdraw ; and his motion being passed, he clinched the 
vote by moving to reconsider, and then laying the motion on 
the table. 

Mr. Millson, of Virginia, having brought up the Nebraska 
matter, in a discussion on the Indian Appropriation Bill, on 
the 23d, was followed by Mr. Hunt, of Louisiana, " two 
enemies of the bill," having precipitated the debate on the 
House. Mr. Breckinridge entered the lists, in a memorable 
speech, in which he strongly stigmatized the course of Mr. 
Cutting. " The gentleman may be for the bill," said he, 
" but his voice is that of an enemy." He warned the friends 
of the measure from following the member from New- York, 
whose course would kill it ; and preferred to have a score of 
open enemies than a professed friend who struck in the man- 
ner he did. 

On the 27th, Mr. Cutting replied at great length, to the 
imputations thrown out by Mr. Breckinridge, when the latter 
retorting, a scene of great excitement took place. The diffi- 
culty was carried out of the House, and for some days public 
curiosity was aroused at the prospect of a duel, the prepara- 
tory steps for such a settlement having been taken. On the 
31st, however, Mr. Preston informed the House that Mr. 
Cutting had left the matter in the hands of Colonel Monroe, 
of New-York, and General Shields, United States Senator 
from Illinois, and Mr. Breckinridge had referred to Colonel 
Hawkins, of Kentucky, and himself (Mr. P.) ; and he was 
authorized to state that a settlement had been effected, mu- 
tually satisfactory and honorable to both parties. On the 
part of both gentlemen lie also offered an apology for any 
violation of the rules of the House which had taken jdace in 
the excitement of debate. 



4 JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE. 

In recognition of Mr. Breckinridge's identification with the 
views of the administration, President Pierce tendered to him 
the mission to Spain ; but the honor was respectfully de- 
clined, family matters compelling Mr. Breckinridge to this 
course. He was a delegate to the Cincinnati Convention in 
June, 1856. After the nomination of Buchanan for the 
Presidency, several names were offered for the second office — 
among others, that of John C. Breckinridge, proposed by the 
Louisiana delegation, through Greneral J. L. Lewis. Ac- 
knowledging the flattering manifestation of good will, Mr. 
Breckinridge begged that his name would be withdrawn. On 
the first ballot, however, the Vermont delegation, through 
Mr. Smalley, believing that no democrat has a right to refuse 
his services Avhen his country calls, cast its five votes for 
Breckinridge. Many other States followed, and of the total 
he received fifty-one votes, second on the list, and only eight 
under the first. General Quitman. On the second ballot, 
Maine, New-Hampshire, and Vermont, led off for Breckin- 
ridge ; Massachusetts followed, with eleven out of thirteen 
votes ; Rhode Island followed with her four ; then the New- 
York "softs" gave him eighteen. Delaware, Maryland, and 
Virginia, voting in the same way, it became quite obvious 
that he was the choice of the body ; and though several of 
the remaining States voted for other candidates, they quickly, 
one by one, changed their votes — the several delegates making- 
neat and appropriate speeches in announcing the change. 
The names of other candidates were withdrawn, and the 
whole poll went f^r J. C. Breckinridge, at wdiicli the conven- 
tion rose, and w^ith waving of handkerchiefs, and the loudest 
vocal demonstrations, directed its attention upon the tall and 
graceful delegate from Kentucky, who had been so unex- 
pectedly nominated 'for so exalted a post. It was long before 
the demonstrations subsided so as to allow a word tg be heard. 
At last, the commanding figure of Mr. Breckinridge stood 
fronting the mighty triumph. It certainly was a time to try 
a young man. He spoke briefly and becomingly. The result 
just announced was unexpected, and his profound gratitude 
was without words. He gave the convention the simple 
thanks of a true heart ; and, expressing his appreciation of 
their first choice, and linking his humble name with that of ' 
the tried statesman of Pennsylvania, cordially endorsed the 
platform, and sat down amid the booming of cannon, and 
the vociferous applause of the multitude outside, breaking in 
upon and almost overpoAvering the loud cheers within the 
hall. 



JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE. 5 

Three days after this exciting and gratifying scene, his 
neighbors gathered to congratuhxte him at Lexington. 

He was elected Vice-President, having received one hun- 
dred and seventy-three ek^ctoral votes, being fifty-nine over 
William L. Dayton, the Republican candidate for the same 
office. Thus, at the age of thirty-five, he had served his 
country abroad, had been a legislator in his State and in the 
National Legislature, had been tendered the representation 
of the Republic in Europe, and elevated to the second office 
in the gift of the people. 

As President of the United States Senate, he took the 
chair of that eminent body early in the first session of the 
Thirty-fifth Congress, December, 1857, and, with some inter- 
mission, caused by the illness of his family, presided during 
that stormy session. 

At Florence, Kentucky, on the 24th of July, 1858, the 
Vice-President, then being in rustication in his own State, 
attended, by invitation, a meeting of his fellow-citizens, and 
addressed them in an eloquent speech on the topics of the 
day. He defended the administration against the charge of 
extravagance, showing that the "Americans" and " Repub- 
licans," who clamored so much about extravagance, were the 
very parties that attempted, in the previous session, to add 
several millions to the budget ; that the extravagant and ob- 
jectionable appropriations were made by a " Republican " 
house, and the only resistance made against them was by 
Democrats. He reviewed the slavery question up to 1820, 
when intervention against slave States commenced, followed 
with a rehearsal of the Wilmot Proviso movement, and the 
reaction that followed, expressing a belief that the people of 
Kentucky had not appreciated the scope and force of the 
anti-slavery movement, which was broadening and deepening 
at the North. He showed them how the slavery question had 
killed the old VV^hig party — an organization that was bold, 
open, gallant, full of pluck and fire — how the American party 
had died, partly of the same issue, and partly of an inherent 
weakness in its constitution, and thought that the gentlemen 
whp caused the death of the last party, left afloat in Ken- 
tucky, would and should become democrats, to enable the 
State to cope with the republicans. It was impossible to 
remain neutral. The Democratic party w^as not a destruc- 
tive, but a conservative party, based upon the Constitution, 
and the rights of citizens and States. It alone had survived 
the agitation, and was now vital, untamable, and unconquer- 
able. The speech gave great satisfaction. 



6 JOHN C. BEECKINEIDGE. 

On the removal of the Senate from the ohl and time-hon- 
ored chamber, Avhich had been the scene of so niany great 
events of American history, to the new one, the Vice-Presi- 
dent madb a feeling address. He gave an historical outhne 
of the exigencies to which Congress was put in its early days, 
holding its sessions, as the chances of war required, at Phila- 
delphia, Baltimore, Lancaster, Annapohs, and Yorktovrn, 
and, during the period between the conclusion of peace and 
the establishment of the present government, at Princeton, 
Annapolis, Trenton and New- York. He followed with a 
history of the choice of the present locality, the foundation 
of the city, the building of the capitol, and the onward career 
of our Legislature, with suggestive memorials of the great 
men who had made the place'they were leaving immortal. 

At the last session of the Kentucky legislature, Mr. Breck- 
inridge received the unsought-for nomination of his party for 
the United States Senate. He was elected to succeed Plon. 
John J. Crittenden from the 4th of March next, by tAventy- 
nine majority, on joint ballot. His senatorial term would 
expire in 18(37, had not the people determined to elevate him 
to a higher position. 

Upon receiving intelligence of his election, Mr. Breckin- 
ridge immediately left Washington for Frankfort, the capital 
of Kentuckv, where, in the presence of the legislature, he 
delivered that great speech Avhich at once stamped him as 
one of the foremost statesmen of the day. It will suffice 
here to remark, that he boldly enunciated the principles laid 
down in the Dred Scott decision — the equal rights of all 
citizens of the United States in the territories. 

Breckinridge possesses all those personal traits which en- 
dear the man as much to the masses as to his more imme- 
diate friends. He is a courtly and pohshed gentleman, chiv- 
alrous and high-toned, the very soul of honor, a second 
Bayard in the battle-field, a man of intellect, honest and 
straightforward in the expression of his oiunions, no politi- 
cian, no wire-puller, no trickster, prompt in decision, quick 
in execution, a very lion of the tribe of Jackson. 

His presence is the personification of nobleness. No word 
describes his person more correctly. With his warni heart 
and ever genial smile, no wonder he attracts the admiration 
of all who come in contact with him. 



JOSEPH LANE, 

OF OREGON. 



A RAPID SUMMARY OF HIS LIFE. 

Joseph Lane, the second son of John Lane and Elizabeth 
Street, was born in North Carolma, on the 14th of Decem- 
ber, 1801. In 1804 the father emigrated to Kentucky, and 
settled in Henderson county. He had the benefit of haying 
sprung from Revolutionary stock, and, if he learned little 
else, imbibed many stirring lessons of patriotism and its 
glorious results from the elders who surrounded the hearth- 
stone of his boyhood. At an early age he shifted for him- 
self, and entered the employ of Nathaniel Hart, Clerk of the 
County Court. In 1816 he went into Warwick county, 
Indiana, became a clerk in a mercantile house, married, in 
1820, a young girl of French and Irish extraction, and set- 
tled on the banks of the Ohio, in Vanderburg county. 

Young Lane soon became the man of the people among 
whom he had cast his lot. In 1822, then barely eligible, he 
was elected to the Indiana legislature, and took his seat, to 
the astonishment of many older worthies. Hon. Oliver H. 
Smith, a new member likewise, and since a United States 
Senator from 1837 to 1843, describes, in a work recently 
published, the appearance of Lane on the occasion. " The 
roll-calling progressed as I stood by the side of the clerk. 
' The county of Vanderburg and Warwick !' said the clerk. 
I saw advancing a slender, freckled-faced boy, in appearance 
eighteen or twenty years of age. I marked his step as he 
came up to my side, and have often noticed his air since : 
it was General Joseph Lane, of Mexican and Oregon fame in 
after years." 

On the Ohio, Lane became extremely popular as a good 
neighbor and a man of enlarged hospitality. Near his dwell- 



8 JOSEPH LANE. 

ing, tlie river has a bar, wliicli never fails at low water to de- 
tain a small fleet of boats. Lane's farm-house had ever its 
doors open ; an invitation was extended to all to come and 
help themselves, the host never consenting to receive re- 
muneration, though hundreds have partaken of his store. 
Any boatman on the river, says a reliable informant, felt 
himself at liberty to take any of -his boats for temporary use 
without asking. Such was Joseph Lane on his homestead. 
Acquaintance with river life made him a good pilot of the 
Ohio and Mississippi rivers, which gained him an additional 
meed of respect from the "river men.'' 

As farmer, produce-dealer, and legislator, many years 
rolled over his head, every year adding to his popularity as a 
man, both in his private aud public capacity. He was fre- 
quently re-elected by the people, and continued to serve them 
at short intervals, in either branch of the legislature, for a 
period of twenty-four years. 

Mr. Lane was a fearless legislator, always acting from a 
conscientious behef in the truth of his views, and following 
them up with spirit and undeviating vigilance. Those who 
are best acquainted with this portion of his career, delight to 
dwell upon the zeal and tenacity with which he upheld the 
trusts confided to him, and denounced the wrongs which 
threatened to thwart his designs for good. He is, however, 
a man of deeds rather than words— ^-though he does not lack 
the power to express his views clearly and forcibly. 

Never in favor of expediency, he was always for what 
seemed right to him. AVhen it was thought that Indiana, 
overburdened with debt, would be compelled to repudiate, 
the prospect of the disgrace which would thereby result to 
the State aroused all his indignant energies. He would not 
hear of such a thing. He felt it would be a disgrace to him, 
as a working-man, "with the will and the strength to labor, 
to repudiate a debt. What was it, then, to a State of which 
he was a representative ? He toiled untiringly to avert it, 
and had the satislaction of seeing his efforts successful. 

In politics. General Lane has always been of the Jefferson 
and Jackson school. Possessing a strong intellect, and a 
memory retentive of facts, and quick to use them, he has be- 
come thoroughtly acquainted Avith the history and politics 
of the country. Mr. Yulee observes, " He has written with 
his plough and sword, and spoken by his deeds ; and, though 
unused to the ornaments of rhetoric and literature, he is, 
nevertheless, powerful in debate, and' especially well qualified 
in political and Presidential conflicts on the stump to over- 



JOSEPH LANE. 9 

whelm tlie opponents of Democracy." He supported Jack- 
son in 1824, '28, and '32, gave his voice and energies for Yan 
Buren in 1836 and '40, " as long as the iatter followed ' in 
the footsteps of his illustrious predecessor,' " and went for 
Polk in 1844. His activity and earnestness were contagious, 
and could not but infuse into those about him, and into the 
public men of the State generally, the spirit which had led 
him to so honorable a prominence. 

In the spring of 1846, the war commenced between the 
United States and Mexico, and a call was made upon Indiana 
for volunteers. Lane, then a member of the State Senate, 
immediately resigned, and entered Captain Walker's com- 
pany as a private. He chose Walker as his commander, 
having a high opinion of his bravery — an opinion which that 
gallant officer's conduct and death at Buena Vista completely 
justified. When the regiment met at the rendezvous — New 
Albany — Joseph Lane was taken from the ranks by the 
unanimous voice of the men, and placed at the head as colo- 
nel ; and in a very few days afterward he received — unsought 
and unexpected by him — a commission from President Polk 
as brigadier-general. On the 9th of July he wrote a letter 
of acceptance, and entered on the command of the three regi- 
ments forming his brigade. Two weeks after (24th of July) 
he was at the Brazos, with all his men, and concluded the 
report announcing his arrival to General Taylor in these 
words : '' The brigade I have the honor to command is 
generally in good health and fine spirits, anxious to engage 
in active service." On the 20th of August, he wrote to 
Major-General Butler, claiming active service. His brigade 
did not relish being left in the rear to garrison towns or to 
guard provisions and military stores, while the regular army, 
and the volunteers ordered on to Camargo, would have the 
honor of being actively engaged. 

Lane had an idea that the Indiana men were raised to do 
some fighting, and he was impatient of delay. The second 
day after his letter to Butler, he wrote again to General 
Taylor, complaining of the advance of troops out of their 
order of precedence. Without being disrespectful, he de- 
manded for his command a share in the dangers and honors 
of the active service. Despite his anxiety to go on, he had 
to remain several months, in a most irksome mood, on the 
swampy banks of the Rio Grande, where his troops, sufteriug 
under the sweltering sun, Avere decimated by the pestilential 
diseases of the climate. 

At length he was ordered to Saltillo, and made civil and 



10 JOSEPH LANE. 

military comraandant of that post by Major-G-eneral Butler. 
After the battle of Monterey, Lane was ordered to join 
General Taylor. 

The famous battle of Bnena Vista was fought on the 22J 
and 23d of February, 1847. General Lane was third in 
command, and served on the left wing. From the beginning 
to the end he was in the hottest of the fight. On the morn- 
ing of the 23d, Lane had the honor of opening the continua- 
tion of the battle, on the plain, where he was attacked by a 
force of from four to five thousand infantry, artillery, and 
lancers, under Gen. Ampudia. At this crisis, Lane's force 
was reduced to four hundred men ; and with this phalanx he 
received the Mexican onset. 

As Lane commenced the fight on the 23d, so was he in 
" at the death." The Illinois and Kentucky regiments, suf- 
fering sorely, were falling back under a terrible charge by the 
collected infantry of Santa Anna, when Lane, though wound- 
ed, came up with the Indiana men, and with the Mississippi 
men, under Colonel Jeiferson Davis, opened a destructive 
fire upon the Mexicans, checked their advance, and enabled 
the retreating regiments to form and return to the contest. 
Failing to pierce the American centre, Santa Anna retired 
from the field. 

In this battle, where all were heroes, it is the more honorable 
to find Lane, with four or five others, particularly noticed. 
Here is a picture of him : "When the grape and 'musket- 
shot flew as thick as hail over and through the lines of our 
volunteers, who began to waver before the fiery storm, their 
brave general could be seen fifty yards in advance of the line, 
waving his sword with an arm already shattered by a mus- 
ket-ball, streaming with blood, and mounted on a noble 
charger, which was gradually sinking under the loss of blood 
from five distinct wounds. A brave sight indeed was this \" 

Major-General Wool, writing to Lane, May 23d, regrets 
that he is about to lose his valuable services, and testifies to 
his readiness to do honor to his command, his country, and 
himself Again, July 7, Wool writes, "I have seen you in 
all situations — at the head of your brigade, in the driU, and 
in the great battle of the 22d and 23d of February ; and, in 
the course of my experience, I have seen few, very few, who 
behaved with more zeal, ability, and gallantry, in the hour 
of danger." And General Taylor, in his report, says, " Brig- 
adier-General Lane (slightly wounded), was active and zeal- 
ous throughout the day, and displayed great coolness and 
gallantry before the enemy." 



JOSEPH LANE. 11 

Kemaining encamped near the battle-field until June, lie 
was ordered, with his brigade, to New-Orleans, Avhere the 
latter was disbanded, its term of service having expired. On 
his return home, public festivals at New- Albany and E vansville 
greeted him, while his appearance everywhere commanded 
and elicited the most enthusiastic admiration. An order to 
join Taylor's line, however, allowed him but a short season 
of repose in the bosom of his family. 

Having been transferred to G-eneral Scott's line of opera- 
tions, he reached Vera-Cruz, with his command, on the 16th of 
September, 1847. On the 20th, he set out for the city of 
Mexico, at the head of two thousand five hundred men. At 
Jalapa this force was increased by Major Lally's column of 
one thousand men, and at Perote by a company of mounted 
riflemen, two of volunteer infantry, and two pieces of artil- 
lery. 

Leaving his train at San Antonio Taamaris with a suit- 
able defence. Lane marched against Huamantla with over 
two thousand men. On the morning of the 9th of October, 
the people were startled by the approach of the soldiers. 
White flags were immediately displayed ; but no sooner had 
the advanced guard, under Captain Walker, entered the town, 
than volley after volley assailed it. A deadly combat ensued. 
Walker g-allantly charged upon a body of five hundred 
lancers and two pieces of artillery on the plaza. General 
Lane, advancing at the head of his column, encountered the 
heavy reinforcement of Santa Anna, who had arrived with 
his full force. Soon the roar of battle resounded from street 
to street. For a s'hort time the Mexicans confronted their as- 
sailants with the energy of despair ; but the terrible decision 
of the Americans prevailed, and their flag soon waved over 
the treacherous town. A large quantity of ammunition was 
captured, and some prisonei-s — one of whom was Major Itur- 
bide, son of the former emperor of Mexico. This was the 
last field on which Santa Anna appeared in arms against the 
United States. For this victory Lane was brevetted major- 
general. 

Having rejoined his train. General Lane arrived at Puebla 
on the 12th of October. 

Lane's campaign, from the departure from Vera Cruz up 
to this point, was a series of brilliant movements and vic- 
tories. A surgeon attached to his command wrote home, 
about this period, that no writers — only the soldiers — could 
tell with what ingenuity and bravery Lane conducted his 
handful of men. "I never" — he adds — "before could un- 



12 JOSEPH LANE. 

derstand liow cowards were transformed into brave men as 
by miracle." 

The battle of Teliiialtaplan was the last fought in Mexico. 
Peace was soon declared ; but General Lane — who, not in- 
appropriately, says Jenkins, was styled by his brother offi- 
cers and soldiers ' ' the Marion of the army" — remained some 
months directing the movements consequent upon the return 
of our troops. On evacuating the conquered land. Lane re- 
marked to a friend, " I left my plough to take the sword 
with a thrill of pleasure ; for my country called me. I now 
go home to resume the plough wdtli as sincere joy." 

About the 1st of August, 1848, General Lane reached In- 
diana. His fellow-citizens were rejoiced to see him ; but he 
had not time to respond to the favors extended to him, for 
on the 18 th he — without any solicitation on his part — were 
appointed Governor of Oregon. On the 28th his commis- 
sion reached him, and on the next day he set out for his post. 
On the 2d of March, 1849, about six months after his de- 
parture from home, he arrived safely in Oregon City. This 
journey cost the Government nothing — General Lane not 
making any charge for his expenses, besides which, he aid- 
ed largely in subsisting the troops the greater part of the 
time with the product of his rifle, as he was both the pilot 
and the hunter of the party. 

The Indians of Oregon — of whom there were between fifty 
and sixty tribes — kept the whites in a constant state of jeop- 
ardy. The jirogress and settlement of the territory were 
greatly impeded by their depredations. In 1850, a formid- 
able outbreak took jDlace on Eogue River, in the southern 
part of Oregon. Governor Lane took the field in person, 
collected a force of settlers, miners, a few officers and men of 
the regular army, attacked the Indians at Table Rock, and, 
after a desperate conflict, in which he was severely wounded, 
drove them from their position. Following this success up 
with his accustomed vigor, he so severely chastised them that 
they were glad to accej^t any terms of peace. 

As Delegate from Oregon, General Lane was unremitting 
in his advocacy of the interests of the Territory, and untir- 
ing in his efforts for her admission into the Union. 

The evening of the day Oregon was admitted to the sister- 
hood of States, the federal city was alive with festivity in 
honor of the event. A band serenaded the President, Vice- 
President, Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, General Lane and 
others. In response to a call, Governor Stevens introduced 
General Lane — new Senator elect from the State of Oregon 



JOSEPH LANE. 13 

— to the people. He made a brief speech, in -u^hich he said 
that a bulwark had been raised that day on the shores of the 
Pacific against foreign invaders, and a fresh assurance given 
of the perpetuity of the Union. 

While Governor Lane was in Oregon, he was named for the 
Presidency by the convention assembled at Indianapolis to 
revise the State Constitution of Indiana. The Democratic 
State Convention, which met February 24, 1852, formally 
jDresented his claims for the Chief Magistracy, pledging the 
vote of the State to him. On his arrival in Indiana from 
f*' Oregon, he had a public reception, at which, in the course of 

an address of vsrelcome, Grovernor Wright thus briefly viewed 
the career of the guest of the day : 

" He has been the artificer of his own fortunes ; and, in 
his progress from the farmer on the banks of the Ohio and 
the commandant of a fiat-boat, to posts of honorable dis- 
tinction — to a seat in the House of Representatives and in 
the Senate of Indiana — to the command of a brigade upon 
the fields of Buena Vista, Huamantla, and Atlixco — to the 
Governorship of Oregon, and thence to a seat in Congress — 
he has displayed the same high characteristics, perseverance, 
and energy. The annals of our country present no parallel 
for these facts. He entered the army a volunteer in the 
ranks, looking forward only to the career of a common sol- 
dier. He left a major-general, closing his ardent and bril- 
liant services in that memorable campaign by fighting its last 
battle and capturing its last enemy." 

We must acknowledge our indebtedness to the book enti- 
tled ''' Our Living Representative Men," by John Savage, 
Esq., for several extracts embodied in these sketches. 



14 NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC PLATFOElf. 



NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC (Breckinridge) PLATP^ORM, 

PUT FORTH AT CHARLESTON, APRIL 30, 18G0, AND AT BALTIMORE, 
JUNE 23, 18G0. 



Resolved, That tlie platform adopted by the Democratic party at 
Cincinnati is atlirmed, witli the following explanatory resolutions : 

First — That the government of a Territory organized by an act 
of Congress is provisional and temporary, and during its existence 
all citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle Avith 
their property in the Territory, without their rights, either of person 
or property, being destroyed or injured by Congressional or Territo- 
rial legislation. 

Second — That it is the duty of the Federal Government, in all its 
departments, to protect, when necessary, the rights of persons and 
property in the Territories, and wherever else its constitutional 
authority extends. 

Third — That when the settlers in a Territory, having an adequate 
population, Ibrm a State Constitution, the right of sovereignty com- 
mences, and being consummated by admission into the Union, they 
stand on an equal footing with the people of other States ; and a 
State thus organized ought to be admitted into the Federal Union, 
whether its Constitution prohibits or recognizes the institution of 
slavery. 

Resolved, That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisi- 
tion of the island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to 
ourselves and just to Spain, at the earliest practicable moment. 

Resolved, That the enactments of State Legislatui'es to defeat the 
faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, are hostile in charac- 
ter (o, and subversive of, the Constitution, and revolutionary in their 
effect. 

Resolved, Tliat the Democracy of the United States recognize it 
as an imperative duty of the Government to protect naturalized 
citizens in all their rights, whether at home or in foreign lands, to 
the same extent as its native-born citizens. And, 

Whereas, One of the greatest necessities of the age, in a political, 
commercial, postal, and military point of view, is a speedy com- 
munication between the Pacific and Atlantic coasts ; therefore, be it 

Resolved, That the National Democratic party do hereby pledge 
themselves to use every means in their power to secure the passage of 
some bill, to the extent of the constitutional authority of Congress, 
for the construction of a Pacific Railroad from the Mississippi River 
or the Pacific Ocean, at the earliest practicable moment. 



CIXCINNATI PLATFORM. 15 



THE CINCINNATI PLATFORM, 

PUT FORTH MAY 22, 1856. 



Resolved, That the American Democracy place their trust in the 
intelligence, the patriotism, and the discriminating justice of the 
American people. 

Resolved, That we regard this as a distinctive feature of our political 
creed, whicli we are proud to maintain before the world as a trreat 
moral element in a form of government springing from and upheld 
by jhe popular will ; and we contrast it with the creed and practice 
of Federalism, under whatever name or form, which seeks to palsy 
the will of the constituent, and which conceives no imposture too 
monstrous for the popular credulity. 

Resolved, Therefore, that entertaining these views, the Democratic 
party of this Union, through their delegates, assembled in n-ene/al 
Convention, coming together in a spirit of concord, of devotion to 
the doctrines and faith of a free representative government, and ap- 
pealing to their fellow-citizens for the rectitude of their intentions, 
renew and reassert before the American people, the declarations of 
principles avowed by them, when, on former occasions, in general 
Convention, they have presented their candidates for the popular 
Buffrage. 

1. That the Federal Government is one of limited power, derived 
solely from the Constitution, and the grants of power made therein 
ought to be strictly construed by all the departments and agents of 
the Government ; that it is inexpedient and dangerous to exercise 
doubtful constitutional powers. 

2. That the Constitution does not confer upon the General Gov- 
ernment the power to commence and carry on a general system of 
internal improvements. 

3. That the Constitution does not confer authority upon the Fede- 
ral Government, directly or indirectly, to assume the debts of the 
several States, contracted for local and internal improvements, or 
other State purposes, nor would such assumption be just or expe- 
dient. 

4. That justice and sound policy forbid the Federal Government 
to foster one branch of industry to the detriment of another, or to 
cherish the interest of one portion of our common country ; that 



*16 CINCINNATI PLATFORM. 

every citizen and every section of the country has a right to demand 
and insist upon au equality of rights and privileges, and a complete 
and ample protection of persons and property from domestic violence 
and foreign aggression. 

5. That it is the duty of every bi'anch of the Government to en- 
force and practise the most ligid economy in conducting our public 
affairs, and that no more revenue ought to be raised than is required 
to defray the necessary expenses of the Government and gradual but 
certain extinction of the public debt. 

6. That the proceeds of the public lands ought to be sacredly ap- 
plied to the national objects specified in the Constitution, and that 
we are opposed to any law for the distribution of such proceeds 
among the States, as alike inexpedient in policy and repugnant to 
the Constitution. 

7. That Congress has no power to charter a National Bank ; that 
we believe such an institution one of deadly hostility to the best in- 
terests of this country, dangerous to our Republican institutions and 
the liberties of the people, and calculated to place the business of 
the country within the control of a consecrated money power and 
above the laws and will of the people ; and the I'csults of the Demo- 
cratic legislation in this and in all other financial measures, upon 
which issues have been made between the two political parties of 
the country, have demonstrated to candid and practical men of all 
parties their soundness, safety, and utility in all business pursuits. 

8. That the separation of the moneys of the Government from 
banking institutions, is indispensable to the safety of the funds of the 
Government and the rights of the people. 

9. That we are decidedly opposed to taking from the President the 
qualified Veto power, by wliich he is enabled, under restrictions and 
responsibilities amply surficient to guard the public interests, to sus- 
pend the passage of a bill whose merits cannot secure the approval 
of two thirds of tjie Senate and House of Eepresentatives, until the 
judgment of the people can be obtained thereon ; and which has 
saved the American people from the con-upt and tyrannical dominion 
of the bank of the United States, and from a corrupting sj'stem of 
general internal improvements. 

10. That the liberal principles embodied by Jefferson in the 
Declaration of Independence, and sanctioned by the Constitution, 
which makes ours the land of liberty and the asylum of the oppressed 
of every nation, have ever been cardinal principles in the Demo- 
cratic faith; and every attempt to abridge the privilege of becoming 
citizens and the owners of soil among us ought to be resisted with 
the same spirit wliich swept the alien and sedition Jaws from our 
statute-books. 

And whereas, Since the foregoing declaration was uniformly adopt- 
ed by our predecessors in National Convention; an adverse political 
and religious test has been secretly organized by a party claiminfi' to 
be exclusively Americans, and it is proper that the Am,erican Democ- 



CINCINNATI PLATFOEM. 17 

racy should define its relations thereto ; and declares its determined 
opposition to all secret political societies, by whatever name they may 
be called, 

Resolved^ That the foundation of this Union of States having been 
laid in, and its prosperity, expansion, and pre-eminent example in free 
government, built upon entire freedom of matters of religious con- 
cernment, and no respect of persons in regard to rank, or place of 
birth, no party can justly be deemed national, constitutional, or in 
accordance with American principles, which bases its exclusive or- 
ganization upon religious opinions and accidental birthplace. And 
hence a political crusade in the nineteenth century, and in the 
United States of America, against Catholics and foreign-born, is 
neither justified by the past history or future prospects of the country, 
nor in unison with the spirit of toleration and enlightened freedom 
which peculiarly distinguishes the American system of popular gov- 
ernment. 

Resolved, That we reiterate with renewed energy of purpose the 
well-considered declarations of former conventions upon the sectional 
issue of domestic Slavery, and concerning the reserved rights of the 
States — 

1. That Congress has no power under the Constitution to interfere 
with or control the domestic institutions of the several States, and 
that all such States are the sole and proper judges of everytliing ap- 
pertaining to their own affairs not prohibited by the Constitution ; 
that all efiforts of the Abolitionists or others made to induce Congress 
to interfere with questions of slavery, or to take incipient steps in 
relation thereto, are calculated to lead to the most alarming and danger- 
ous consequences ; and that all such efforts have an inevitable tendency 
to diminish the happiness of the people, and endanger the stability 
and permanency of the Union, and ought not to be countenanced by 
any friend of our political institutions. 

2. That the foregoing proposition covers and was intended to em- 
brace the whole subject of slavery agitation in Congress, and, there- 
fore, the Democratic party of the Union, standing on this national 
platform, will abide by and adhere to a faithful execution of the acts 
known as the Compromise measures, settled by the Congress of 1850 : 
" The act for reclaiming fugitives from service or labor included;" 
which act being designed to carry out an express provision of the 
Constitution, cannot, with fidelity thereto, be repealed or so changed 
as to destroy or impair its etficiency. 

3. That the Democratic party will resist all attempts at renewing 
in Congress, or out of it, the agitation of the Slavery question, under 
whatever shape or color ,the attempt may be made. 

4. That the Democratic party will faithfully abide by and uphold 
the principles laid down in the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 
1792 and 1798, and in the report of Mr. Madison to the Virginia 
legislature in 1799 — that it adopts these principles as constituting 
one of the main foundations of its political creed, and is resolved to 
carry them out in their obvious meaning and import. 



1$ CINCINNATI PLATFORM. 

And that we may more distinctly meet the issue on which a sec- 
tional party, subsisting exclusively on Slavery agitation, now relies 
to test the fidelity of the people, North and South, to the Constitu- 
tion and the Union : 

1. Resolved, That claiming fellowship with and desir^g the co- 
operation of all who regard the preservation of the Union under the 
Constitution, as the paramount issue, and repudiating all sectional par- 
ties and platforms concerning domestic slavery, which seek to embroil 
the States, and incite to treason and armed resistance to law in the ter- 
ritories, and whose avowed purpose, if consummated, must end in civil 
war and disunion, the American Democracy recognize and adopt the 
principles contained in the organic laws establishing the Territories 
of Nebraska and Kansas, as embodying the only sound and safe 
solution of the Slavery^question, upon which the great national idea 
of the people of this whole country can repose in its determined con- 
servation of the Union, and non-interference of Congress with Slavery 
in the Territories or in the District of Columbia. 

2. That this was the basis of the compromises of 1850, confirmed 
by both the Democratic and Whig parties in National Conventions, 
ratified by the people in the election of 1852, and rightly applied to 
the organization of the Territories in 1854. 

3. That by the uniform application of the Democratic principle to 
the organization of Territories, and the admission of new States, 
with or without domestic Slavery, as they may elect, the equal rights 
of all the States will be preserved intact, the original compacts of the 
Constitution maintained inviolate, and the perpetuity and expansion 
of the Union insured to its utmost capacity of embracing, in peace 
and harmony, every future American State that may be constituted 
or annexed with a Republican form of government. 

Resolved, That we recognize the right of the people of all the Ter- 
ritories, including Kansas and Nebraska, acting through the legally 
and fairly expressed will of the majority of the actual residents, and 
whenever the number of their inhabitants justifies it, to form a Con- 
stitution, with or without Domestic Slavery, and be admitted into 
the Union upon terms of perfect equality with the other States. 

Resolved, finally, That, in view of the condition of the popular in- 
stitutions in the Old World (and the dangerous tendencies of sec- 
tional agitation, combined with the attempt to enforce civil and 
religious disabilities against the rights of acquiring and enjoying citi- 
zenship in our own land), a high and sacred duty is involved, with 
increased responsibility, upon the Democratic party of this country, 
as the party of the Union, to uphold and maintain the rights of every 
State, and thereby the Union of the States — and to sustain and ad- 
vance among us constitutional liberty, by continuing to resist all 
monopolies and exclusive legislation for the benefit of the few at the 
expense of the many, and by a vigilant and constant adlierence to 
those principles and compromises of the Constitution — which are broad 
• enough and strong enough to embrace and uphold the Union as it 



CINCINNATI PLATFORM. 19 

was, the Union as it i?, and the Union as it shall be — in the full ex- 
pression of the energies and capacity of this great and progressive 
people. 

1. Resolved, That there are questions connected with the foreign 
policy of this country which are inferior to no domestic question 
whatever. The time has come for the people of the United States to 
declare themselves in favor of free seas, and progressive free trade 
throughout the world, and, by solemn manifestations, to place their 
moral influence at the side of their successful example. 

2. Resolved, That our geographical and political position, with ref- 
erence to the other States of this continent, no less than the interest 
of our commerce and the development of our growing power, requires 
that we should hold sacred the principles involved in the Monroe 
doctrine. Their bearing and import admit of no misconstruction, 
and should be applied with unbending rigidity. 

3. Resolved, That the great highway, which Nature as well as the 
assent of States most immediately interested in its maintenance has 
marked out for free communication between the Atlantic and the 
Pacific oceans, constitutes one of the most important achievements 
realized by the spirit of modern times, in the unconquerable energy 
of our people ; and that result would be secured by a timely and 
efficient exertion of the control which we have the right to claim 
over it, and no power on earth should be suflfered to impede or clog 
its progress by any interference with relations that it may suit our 
policy to establish between our government and the governments of 
the States within whose dominions it lies ; we can, under no circum- 
stances, surrender our preponderance in the adjustment of all ques- 
tions arising out of it. 

4. Resolved, That in view of so commanding an interest, the peo- 
ple of the United States cannot but sympathize with the efforts which 
are being made by the people of Central America to regenerate that 
portion of the continent which covers the passage across the inter- 
oceanic isthmus. 

5. Resolved, That the Democratic party will expect of the next 
administration that every proper effort be made to insure our ascen- 
dency in the Gulf of Mexico, and to maintain permanent protection 
to the great outlets through which are emptied into its waters the 
products raised out of the soil and the commodities created by the 
industry of the people of our Western valleys and of the Union at large. 



CONSTITUTION 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 



We the People of the Fnitecl States, iii order to form a more 
13erfect Uuion, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquillity, 
provide for the common Defence, promote the general Welfare, 
and secure the Blcssiugs of Liberty to ourselves and our Pos- 
terity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United 
States of America. 



ARTICLE I. 

SECTION I. 

AU legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Con- 
gress of' the LTnited States, which shall consist of a Senate and 
House of Representatives. 

SECTION II. 

1. The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members 
chosen every second Year by the People of the several States, and 
the Electors in each State shall have the Qualifications requisite 
for Electors of the most numerous Branch of the State Legis- 
lature. 

2. No Person shall be a Representative who shall not have at- 
tained to the Age of twenty-five Years, and been seven Years a 
Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be 
an Inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen, 

3. Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among 
the several States which may be included within this Union, ac- 
cording to thou- respective Xumbers, which shall be detemiined 
by addhig to the whole Number of free Persons, mcluding those 
bound toService for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not 
taxed, three fifths of aU other Persons. The actual Enumeration 
shall be made withm three Years after the first Meeting of the 
Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent Term 
of ten Years, in such manner as they shall by Law direct. The 
Number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty 
Thousand, but each State shall have at least one Representative ; 
and imtU such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hamj> 
shire shall be entitled to chuse three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode 



CONSTITUTION. 21 

Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, Kew 
York six, Xew Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, 
Maryland, six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five. South Carolina 
five, and Georgia three. 

4. When Vacanci£s happen in the Representation Irom any 
State, the Executive Authority thereof shall issue writs of Election 
to fill such Vacancies. , . a i i 

5 The House of Representatives shall chuse their Speaker and 
other Ofticers ; and shaU have the sole Power of Impeachment. 

SECTION ni. 

1 The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two 
Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, fox- 
six Years ; and each Senator shall have one Vote. 

2 Immediately after they shall be assembled m Consequence of 
the first Election, they shall be divided as equally as may be mto 
three Classes. The Seats of the Senators of the first Class shall be 
vacated at the Expiration of the second Year, of the second Class 
at the Expiration of the fourth Year, and of the third Class at the 
Expiration of the sixth year, so that one-third may be chosen every 
second Year; and if Vacancies happen by Resignation, or other- 
wise, durmg the Recess of the Legislature of any State, the Exe- 
cutive thereof may make temporary Appointments until the next 
Meetinc^ of the Legislature, which shall then fill such Vacancies. 

3 No Person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to 
the Acre of thu-ty Years, and been nine Years a Citizen of the 
United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant 
of that State for which he shall be chosen. _ 

4 The Vice President of the United States shall be President 
of the Senate, but shall have no Vote, imless they be equally 

divided. ^«. i i t^ • 

5. The Senate shall chuse their other Ofiicers, and also a Presi- 
dent pro tempore, m the Absence of the Vice President, or when 
he shall exercise the Oflice of President of the United States. 

6. The Senate shaU have the sole Power to try aU Impeach- 
ments. When sitting for that Purpose, they shall be on Oath or 
Afiirmation. When 'the President of the United States is tried, 
the Chief Justice shall preside : And no Person shaU be convicted 
without the Concurrence of two thirds of the Members present. 

7. Jucb^ment ui Cases of Impeachment shall not extend iurther 
than to removal from Oflice, and Disqualification to hold and enjoy 
any Office of Honour, Trust or Profit imder the United States: 
but the Party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to 
Indictment, Trial, Judgment and Punishment according to Law. 

SECTION IV. 

1. The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Sena- 
tors and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each Stat e^ by the 
Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any tune by Law 



22 CONSTITUTION. 

make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of chusing 
Senators. 

2. The Congress shall assemble at least once m every Year, and 
such Meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless 
they shall by Law appoint a different Day. 

SECTION V. 

1. Each House shall be the Judge of the Elections, Returns and 
Qualifications of its own Members, and a Majority of each shall 
constitute a Quorum to do Business; but a smaller Number may 
adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to com2>el the At- 
tendance of absent Members, in such Manner, and under such 
Penalties as each House may provide. 

2. Each House may determine the Rules of its Proceedings, 
punish its Members for disorderly Behaviour, and, with the Con- 
currence of two thirds, expel a Member. 

3. Each House shall keep a Journal of its Proceedings, and from 
time to time piiblish the same, excepting such Parts as may in their 
Judgment require Secrecy ; and the Yeas and Nays of the Mem- 
bers of either House on any question shall, at the Desire of one 
fifth of those Present, be entered on the Journal. 

4. Neither House, during the Session of Congress, shall, without 
the Consent of the other, adjourn for more than three Days, nor to 
any other j)lace than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting. 

SECTION VI. 

1. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a Compensa- 
tion for their Services, to be ascertained by Law, and paid out of 
the Treasury of the United States. They shall in all Cases, except 
Treason, Felony, and Breach of the Peace, be j^rivileged from 
Arrest during their Attendance at the Session of their respective 
Houses, and in going to and returning from the same ; and for any 
Speech or Debate m either House, they shall not be questioned in 

"any other Place. 

2. No Senator or Representative shall, during the Time for 
which he was elected, be appointed to any civil Office under the 
Authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or 
the Emoluments whereof shall have been increased during such 
thne ; and no Person holding any Office under the United States, 
shall be a Member of either House during his Continuance in 
Office. 

SECTION VII. 

1. All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in the House of 
Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur Avith 
AmenTdments as on other Bills. 

2. Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Representa- 
tives and the Senate, shall, before it become a Law, be presented 
to the President of the United States; If he approve he shall sign 
it, but if not, he shall return it, with his Objections to that House 



CONSTITUTION. 23 

in -which it shall have originated, who shall enter the Objections 
at large on their Journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after 
such Reconsideration two thirds of that House shall agree to pass 
the Bill, it shall be sent, together with the Objections, to the 
other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if 
approved by two thirds of that House, it shall become a Law. But 
in all such Cases the Votes of both Houses shall be determined by 
Yeas and Nays, and the Names of the Persons vothig for and 
against the Bill shall be entered on the Journal of each House 
respectively. If any Bill shall not be returned by the President 
within ten Days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been_ pre- 
sented to him, the Same shall be a law, in like Manner as if he 
had signed it, unless the Congress by their Adjournment prevent 
its Return, in which Case it shall not be a Law. 

3, Every Order, Resolution, or Vote to which the Concurrence 
of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary 
(except on a question of Adjournment) shall be presented to the 
President of the United States ; and before the Same shall take 
Effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, 
shall be repassed by two thirds of the Senate and House of Repre- 
sentatives, accordmg to the Rules and Lunitations prescribed in 
the Case of a Bill. 

SECTION yni. 

The Congress shall have Power 

1. To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay 
the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Wel- 
fare of the United States ; but all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall 
be uniform throughout the United States ; 

2. To borrow Money on the credit of the United States ; 

3. To regulate Commerce Avith foreign Nations, and among the 
several States, and with the Indian Tribes ; 

4. To estabhsh an uniform Rule of Naturalization, and uniform 
Laws on the subject of Bankruptcies throughout the United 
States ; 

5. To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign 
Coin, and fix the Standard of Weights and Measures ; 

6. To provide for the Punishment of counterfeiting the Securi- 
ties and current coin of the United States ; 

7. To establish Post Offices and Post Roads ; 

8. To promote the progress of Science and useful Arts, by secur- 
ing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive 
Right to their respective Writings and Discoveries ; 

9. To constitute Tribunals inferior to the supreme Court ; 

10. To define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on 
the high Seas, and Offences against the Law of Nations ; 

11. To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and 
make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water ; 

12. To raise and support Armies, but no Apjiropriation of 
Money to that Use shall be for a longer Term than two Years ; 

13. To provide and maintain a Navy; 



24 CONSTITUTION. 

14. To make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the 
land and naval Forces ; 

15. To provide for calhng forth the MiUtia to execute the Laws 
of the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions ; 

16. To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the 
Militia, and for governing such Part of them as may he employed 
in the Service of the United States, reserving to the States respec- 
tively, the Appointment of the Officers, and the Authority of 
training the Mihtia according to the Disciplme prescribed by 
Congress ; 

IV. To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, 
over such District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as may, by 
Cession of particular States, and the Acceptance of Congress, 
become the Seat of the Government of the United States, and to 
exercise like Authority over all Places purchased by the Consent 
of the Legislature of the State in which the Same shall be, for the 
Erection of Forts, Magazines, Arsenals, Dock-Yards, and other 
needful Buildmgs ; — And 

18. To makeall Laws which shall be necessary and proper for 
carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other 
Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the 
United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof 

SECTION IX. 

1. The Migration or Importation of such Persons as any of the 
States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be pro- 
hibited by the Congress prior to the Year one thousand eight 
hundred and eight, but a Tax or Duty may be imposed on such 
Importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each Person. 

2. The Privilege of the \Vrit of Habeas Corpus shall not be sus- 
pended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the pubhc 
Safety mav require it. 

3. No Bill of Attainder or ex post facto Law shall be passed. 

4. No Capitation, or other direct, Tax shall be laid, unless in 
Proportion to the Census or Enumeration herein before du-ected 
to be taken, 

5. No Tax or Duty shall be laid on Articles exported from any 
State. 

6. No Preference shall be given by any Regulation of Com- 
merce or Revenue to the Ports of one State over those of another: 
nor shall Vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, 
clear, or ])ay Duties in another. 

1. No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Conse- 
quence of Appropriations made by Law ; and a regular Statement 
and Account of the Receipts and Expenditures of all public Money 
shall be ]uiblished from time to time. 

8. No Title of Nobility shall be granted by the United States: 
And no Person holding any Office of Profit or Trust under them, 
shall, without the Consent of the Congress, accept of any Present, 



CONSTITUTION. 25 

Emolument, Office, or Title, of any kind whatever, from any King, 
Prince, or foreign State. 

SECTION X. 

1. No State shall ^nter into any Treaty, Alliance, or Confedera- 
tion ; grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal ; coin Money ; emit 
Bills of Credit ; make any Thing but gold and silver Coin a Ten- 
der m payment of Debts ; pass any Bill of Attainder, ex post facto 
Law, or Law impairing the ObUgation of Contracts, or grant any 
Title of Nobility. 

2. No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any 
Imposts or Duties on Imports or Exports, except what may be 
absolutely necessary for executing its inspection Laws : and the 
net Produce of all Duties and Imposts, laid by any State on Im- 
ports or Exports, shall be for the Use of the Treasury of the United 
States; and all such Laws shall be subject to the Revision and 
Coiitroul of the Congress. 

3. No State shall, without the Consent of Congress, lay any 
Duty of Tonnage, keep Troops, or Ships of War in time of Peace, 
enter into any Agreement or Compact with another State, or with 
a foreign Power, or engage in War, unless actiially mvaded, or in 
such imminent Danger as will not admit of Delay. 

ARTICLE II. 

SECTION I. 

1. The executive Power shall be vested in a President of the 
Ignited States of America. He shall hold his Office during the 
Term of four Years, and, together with the Vice President, chosen 
for the same Term, be elected as follows : 

2. Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature 
thereof may direct, a Number of Electors, equal to the whole 
Number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may 
be entitled in the Congress : but no Senator or Representative, or 
Person holding an Office of Trust or Profit under the United States, 
shall be appointed an Elector. 

[* The Electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by Ballot for two 
■Persons, of whom one at least shall not be an Inhabitant of the same State with 
themselves. And they shall make a List of all the Persons voted for, and of the 
Number of Votes for each ; which List they shall sign and certifj^, and transmit 
sealed to the Seat of the Government of the United States, directed to the President 
of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the Presence of the Senate and 
House of Representatives, open all the Certificates, and the Votes shall then be 
counted. The Person having the greatest Number of Votes shall be the President, 
if such Number be a Majority of the whole Number of Electors appointed ; and if 
there be more than one who have such Majority, and have an equal Number of 
Votes, then the House of Representatives shall immediately chuse by Bahot one of 
them for President ; and if no Person have a Majority, then from the five highest 
on the List, the said House shall in like manner chuse the President. But in 
chusing the President, the Votes shall be taken by States, the Representation 

* This clause within brackets has been superseded and annulled by the 12th 
amendment, on page 462. 



26 CONSTITUTION. 

from each State having one Vote ; A Quorum for this Purpose shall consist of a 
Member or Members from two thirds of the States, and a Majority of all the States 
sliall be necessary to a Choice. In every Case, after the Choice of the President, 
the Person having the greatest Number of Votes of the Electors shall be the Vice 
President. But if there should remain two or more who have equal Votes, the 
Senate shall chuse from them hy Ballot the Vice President.] 

3. The Congress may determine the Tmie of chushig the Elec- 
tors, and the Day on which they shall give their Votes ; which 
Day shall be the same throughout the United States. 

4. Xo Person except a natural born Citizen, or a Citizen of the 
United States at the time of the Adoption of this Constitution, 
shall be eligible to the Office of President ; neither shall any Per- 
son be eligible to that Office who shall not have attamed to the 
Age of thirty five Years, and been fourteen Years a Resident 
within the United States. 

5. In Case of the Removal of the President from Office, or of 
his Death, Resignation, or Inability to discharge the Powers and 
Duties of the said Office, the same shall devolve on the Vice Pre- 
sident, and the Congress may by Law provide for the Case of Re- 
moval, Death, Resignation, or Inability, both of the President and 
Vice President, declaring what Officer shall then act as President, 
and such Officer shall act accordmgly, until the Disability be re- 
moved, or a President shall be elected. 

6. The President shall, at stated Times, receive for his Services, 
a Comjiensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished 
during the Period for which he shall have been elected, and he 
shall not receive within that Period, any other Emolument from 
the United States, or any of them. 

7. Before he enter on the Execution of his Office, he shall take 
the followmg Oath or Affirmation : — 

" I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute 
"the Office of President of the United States, and will to the best 
" of my Ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of 
" the United States." 

SECTION II. 

1. The President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and 
Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several States, 
when called into the actual Service of the United States ; he may 
require the Opinion, m writing, of the principal Officer in each of 
the executive Departments, upon any subject relating to the Duties 
of their respective Offices, and he shall have Power to grant Re- 
prieves and Pardons for Offences against the United States, except 
in Cases of Impeachment. 

2. He shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent 
of the Senate, to make Treaties, provided two thirds of the Se- 
nators present concur ; and he shall nominate, and by and with 
the Advice and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, 
other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the supreme Court, 
and all other Officers of the United States, whose Appointments 
are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be estab- 



CONSTITUTION. 27 

lished by Law : but the Congress may by Law vest the Appoint- 
ment of such inferior Officers as they think proi^er, in the President 
alone, in the Courts of Law, or in the Heads of Departments. 

SECTION ni. 

He shall from time to time give to the Congress Liformation of 
the State of the Union, and recommend to their Consideration 
such Measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient ; he may, 
on extraordmary occasions, convene both Houses, or either of 
them, and in Case of Disagreement between them, with respect to 
the Time of Adjournment, he may adjourn them to such Time as 
he shall think proper; he shall receive Ambassadors and other 
l^ubUc Ministers ; he shall take Care that the Laws be faithfully 
executed, and shall Commission all the officers of the United 
States. 

SECTION IV. 

The President, Vice President, and all civil Officers of the 
United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeachment for, 
and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and 
Misdemeanors. 

ARTICLE III. 

SECTION I. 

The judicial Power of the United States shall be vested in one 
supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may 
from time to time ordain and estabUsh. The Judges, both of the 
supreme and inferior Courts, shall hold their Offices during good 
Behavior, and shall, at stated Times, receive for their Services, a 
Compensation, which shall not be diminished during their Contin- 
uance in Office. 

SECTION II. 

1. The judicial Power shall extend to all Cases, in Law and 
Equity, arising under this Constitution, the Laws of the United 
States, and Treaties made, or which shall be made, under their 
Authority; — to all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public 
Ministers, anel Consuls ; — to all Cases of admiralty and maritime 
Jurisdiction ; — to Controversies to which the United States shall 
be a Party; — to Controversies between two or more States; — 
between a State and Citizens of another State ; — between Citizens 
of different States, — between Citizens of the same State claiming 
Lands under Grants of different States, and between a State, or 
the Citizens thereof, and foreign States, Citizens or Subjects. 

2, In all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers 
and Consuls, and those in which a State shall be Party, the supreme 
Court shall have original Jurisdiction. In all the other Cases 
before mentioned, the supreme Court shall have appellate Jurisdic- 
tion, both as to Law and Fact, with such Exceptions, and under 
such Regulations as the Congress shall make 



28 ' CONSTITUTION. 

3. The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases of Impeachment, 
shall be by Jury ; and such Trial shall be held in the State where 
the said Crimes shall have been committed ; but when not com- 
mitted within any State, the Trial shall be at such Place or Places 
as the Congress may by Law have directed. 

SECTION ni. 

1. Treason against the United States, shall consist only in levy- 
ing War against them, or in adhering to their Enemies, giving 
them Aid and Comfort. No Person shall be convicted of Treason 
unless on the Testimony of two Witnesses to the same overt Act, 
or on Confession in open Court. 

2. The Congress shall have Power to declare the Punishment of 
Treason, but no Attainder of Treason shall work Corruption of 
Blood, or Forfeiture except during the Life of the Person at- 
tainted. 

ARTICLE IV. 

SECTION I. 

Full Faith and Credit shall be given in each State to the public 
Acts, Records, and judicial Proceedings of every other State. 
And the Congress may by general Laws prescribe the Manner in 
which such A^cts, Records and Proceedmgs shall be proved, and 
the Effect thereof. 

SECTION II. 

1. The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all Privileges 
and Immunities of Citizens in the several States. 

2. A Person charged in any State with Treason, Felony, or 
other Crime, who shall flee from Justice, and be found in another 
State, shall on Demand of the executive Authority of the State 
from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State 
having Jurisdiction of the Crime. 

3. No Person held to Service or Labour in one State, under the 
Laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, m Consequence of any 
Law or Regulation therein, be discharged from such Ser^ace or 
Labour, but" shall be delivered up on Claim of the party to whom 
such Service or Labour may be due. 

SECTION III. 

1, New States may be admitted by the Congress into this 
Union ; but no new State shall be formed or erected within the 
Jurisdiction of any other State ; nor any State be formed by the 
Junction of two or more States, or Parts of States, without the 
Consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned as well as of 
the Congress. 

2. The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all 
needfid Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory or other 



CONSTITUTIOlSr. 29 



Property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this 
Constitution shall be so construed as to Prejudice any Claims of 
the United States, or of any particular State. 

SECTION IV. 

The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union 
a Republican Form of Government, and shall protect each of them 
against Invasion ; and on application of the Legislature, or of the 
Executive (when the Legislature cannot be convened) against 
domestic Violence. 

ARTICLE V. 

The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses shall deem 
it necessary, shall propose Amendments to this Constitution, or, on 
the Application of the Legislatures of two thirds of the several 
States, shall call a Convention for proposmg Amendments, which, 
in either Case, shall be vaUd to all Intents and Purposes, as Part 
of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three 
fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three fourths 
thereof, as the one or the other Mode of Ratification may be pro- 
posed by the Congress ; Provided that no Amendment which may 
be made piior to the Year one thousand eight hundred and eight 
shall ui any Manner affect the first and fourth Clauses m the Ninth 
Section of the first Article ; and that no State, without its Consent, 
shall be deprived of its equal Sufli*age in the Senate. 

ARTICLE VI. 

1. All Debts contracted and Engagements entered into, before 
the Adoption of this Constitvition, shall be as valid against the 
United States under this Constitution, as under the Confederation. 

2. This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which 
shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or 
which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, 
shall be the supreme Law of the Land ; and the Judges in every 
State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or 
Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding. 

3. The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the 
Members of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and 
judicial Ofiicers, both of the United States and the several States, 
shall be bound by Oath or Afiirmation, to support this Constitu- 
tion ; but no religious Test shall ever be required as a Qualification 
to any Ofiice or public Trust under the United States. 

ARTICLE VII. 

The Ratification of the Conventions of nme States, shall be suffi- 
cient for the Establishment of this Constitution between the States 
so ratifving the same. 



30 CONSTITUTION. 

Done in Convention by the Unanimous Consent of tlie States 
present the Seventeenth Day of September in tlie Year of oiir 
Lord one thousand seven hundred and Eighty seven and of 
the Independence of the United States of America the Twelfth 
In Witness whereof We have hereunto subscribed our 

^J ornpg 

' GEO WASHINGTON— 

Presidt and deputy from Yirginia 

NEW HAMPSHIRE. 
John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman. 

MASSACHUSETTS. 
Nathaniel Gokham, Rufus King. 

CONNECTICUT. 
Wm. Saml. Johnson, Roger Sheeman. 

NEW YORK. 

Alexander Hamilton. 

NEW JERSEY. 
Wil: Livingston, David Brearley, 

Wm. Paterson, Jona. Dayton. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

B. Franklin, Thomas Mlfelin, 

RoBT. Morris, Geo : Clymer, 

Tho : FiTsiMONS, Jared Ingersoll, 

Jajvles Wilson, Gouv: Morris. 

DELAWARE. 
Geo : Read, Gunning Bedford, Jun'r, 

John Dickinson, " . Richard Bassett, 
Jaco : Broom. 

MARYLAND. 
James M'Henry, Dan: op St. Thos. Jenieek, 

Danl. Carroll. 

VIRGINIA. 
John Blair, James Madison, Jr. 

NORTH CAROLINA. 
Wm. Blount, Rich'd Dobbs Spaight, 

Hu. Williamson. 

SOUTH CAROLINA. 
J. RuTLEDGE, Charles Coteswoeth Pinkney, 

Charles Pinkney, Pierce Butler. 

GEORGIA. 
William Few, Abr. Baldwin, 

Attest : WILLIAM JACKSON, Secretary. 



ARTICLES 

In Addition to^ and Amendment of^ 
THE CONSTITUTION 

OF THE 

UNITED STATES OF AMEBIC A, 

Proposed by Congress, and ratified by the Legislatures of the several States, pursuant 
to the fifth article of the original Constitution. 

ARTICLE r. 

Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibit- 
ing the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; 
or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government 
for a redress of grievances. 

ARTICLE IL 

A vi^ell regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right 
of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed. 

ARTICLE IIL 

No Soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house, without the consent 
ot the Owner, nor in time of war, h\xt in a manner to be prescribed by law. 

ARTICLE IV. 

The- right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, 
against unreasonable searches and seizures, sh^ll not be violated, and no "Warrants 
shall be issued, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and 
particularly describing the place to be searched, and the ■ persons or things to be 
seized. 

ARTICLE V. 

No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, 
unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in 
tha land or naval forces, or in the Militia, when in actual service in time of- War 
or public danger ; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice 
put in jeopardy of life or limb ; nor shall be compelled in any Criminal Case to be 
a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due 
process of la,w ; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just 
compensation. 

ARTICLE VL 

In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and 
public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district, wherein the crime shall 
have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by 
law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation ; to be con- 
fronted with the witnesses against hiin; to have Compulsory process for obtaining 
Witnesses in his favor, and to have the Assistance of Counsel lor his defence. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 




32 CONSTITUTION. 006 811266 7 



ARTICLE Vn. 

In Suits at TOmmon law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty 
dollars, the riglit of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury, 
shall be otherwise re-examined in any Court of the United States, than according 
to the rules of the common law. 

ARTICLE Vm. 

Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and 
unusual punishments inflicted. 

ARTICLE JX. 

The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to 
deny or disparage others retained by the people. 

ARTICLE X. 

The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohib- 
ited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people. 

ARTICLE XL 

The Judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any 
suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States 
by Citizens of another State, or by Citizens or Subjects of any foreign State. 

ARTICLE XIL 

1. The Electors shall meet in their respective states, and vote by ballot for Pre- 
sident and Vice President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the 
same state with themselves ; they shall name in their ballots tlie person voted for 
as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice President, and 
they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and of all per- 
sons voted for as Vice President, and of the number of votes for each, which lists 
they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the government of 
the United States, directed to the President of the Senate; — The President of the 
Senate shall, in presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open aU the 
certificates, and the votes shall then be counted ; — The person havmg the greatest 
number of votes for President, shall bo the President, if such number be a majority 
of the whole number of Electors appointed; and if no person have such majority, 
then from the persons having the highest nuoibers not exceeding throe on the Ust 
of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose imme- 
diately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be 
taken by states, the representation from each state having one vote ; a quorum for 
this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of tlio states, 
and a majority of all the states shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House 
of Representatives shall not choose a President whenever the right of choice shall 
devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice- 
President shall act as President, as in the case of death or other constitutional dis- 
ability of the President. 

2. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President, shall be 
the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of Electors 
appointed, and if no person have a majority, then from the two highest numbers 
on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice-President; a quorum for the purpose 
shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the 
whole number shall be necessary to a choice. 

3. But*no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be 
eligible to that of Vice-President of the United States. 



